AF-SOOMAALI

His­tory learned # 1: The Great China Pro­ject


The so-called So­mali civil war can­not be re­garded as en­tirely an in­ter­nal af­fair. Sev­eral coun­tries have pro­vided sup­port to the fac­tions in the con­flict. So­ma­lia is sub­ject to an arms em­bargo, so any such armed in­ter­ven­tion, mil­i­tary aid or pro­vi­sion of arms and ma­te­r­ial is il­le­gal un­der in­ter­na­tional law.

Is So­ma­lia the next Iran? Or is it the next Afghanistan? While the west sleeps and cel­e­brates the king of peace, the US‘s man on the ground, Ethiopia, has launched a covert in­va­sion which may draw the en­tire horn of Africa into con­flict. So­ma­lia will soon be trans­formed, ei­ther into an Iran­ian-style Is­lamic re­pub­lic or a re­viled Ethiopian quis­ling, cursed with mu­jahideen and proxy wars. These events have been trig­gered by a re­mark­able new phe­nom­e­non. Af­ter 16 years of chaos and blood­shed, one fac­tion in its civil war, the Union of Is­lamic Courts, has gone from be­ing a mi­nor player to be­ing ready to wipe the last town held by the dis­cred­ited UN-, US- and Ethiopian-backed regime from the map.

At this dra­matic junc­ture, a se­cret Is­lamic or­der, pur­port­edly writ­ten by the most im­por­tant man in the Union, Sheik Aweys, has been leaked. It pro­claims an Is­lamic Re­pub­lic of So­ma­lia. Its pur­ported se­crecy is un­der­scored by its fi­nal di­rec­tive: whoso­ever leaks this in­for­ma­tion and is found guilty should be shot. But is it gen­uine? Is it a bold man­i­festo by a flam­boy­ant Is­lamic mil­i­tant with links to Bin Laden? Or is it a clever smear by US in­tel­li­gence, de­signed to dis­credit the Union, frac­ture So­mali al­liances and ma­nip­u­late China? What is the fu­ture for So­ma­lia?

Introduction

If we want to imag­ine a stereo­type of poor African gov­er­nance, or rather, no gov­er­nance at all, So­ma­li­a’s his­tory over the past 15 years pro­vides a ready, if re­luc­tant, ex­am­ple. Since 1991, bat­tles be­tween war­lords and their mili­tias, shift­ing from one stale­mate to an­other, have crip­pled nearly every as­pect of So­mali so­ci­ety. The wounds of war­lord law­less­ness barely dried dur­ing the fear­fully in­com­pe­tent 1992-1995 UN-sanc­tioned US in­ter­ven­tion. When the US fled, the wounds were opened afresh, and they have bled freely un­til early this year. No fac­tion emerged as dom­i­nant; al­liances shifted, bat­tles were fought, but chaos re­mained.

But that was be­fore the rise of Union of Is­lamic Courts (UIC). Only emerg­ing in 2006 as a se­ri­ous mil­i­tary force, they rapidly be­came as­cen­dant, pros­e­cut­ing an ex­tra­or­di­nar­ily suc­cess­ful mil­i­tary, ide­o­log­i­cal, re­li­gious and so­cial cam­paign. Putting to one side the north­ern semi-au­tonomous re­gions of So­mali-land and Punt-land, the Is­lamic Courts are in ef­fec­tive con­trol of the en­tire coun­try ex­cept for the town of Baidoa near the Ethiopian bor­der.

It may be some­what sur­pris­ing to hear of courts – os­ten­si­bly ju­di­cial bod­ies – fight­ing in a civil war. But the Union of Is­lamic Courts is pre­cisely that: a loose af­fil­i­a­tion of dis­parate judges and courts prac­tic­ing Is­lamic or Sharia law. Their un­usual quasi-fed­er­al­ist struc­ture has united So­mali clans and lan­guage groups. Orig­i­nally deal­ing with lo­cal is­sues such as petty crime and busi­ness dis­putes, they ex­panded to fill a vac­uum in ed­u­ca­tion, health care and polic­ing. Backed by smug­gled weapons from sym­pa­thetic coun­tries, the mili­tias which en­forced their de­ci­sions have be­come a for­mi­da­ble force.

And while the Is­lamic Courts strike boldly, one of their lead­ers preaches boldly – the pur­ported au­thor of the leaked se­cret doc­u­ment, Sheikh Has­san Dahir Aweys.The US listed him as ‘linked to ter­ror­ism’ af­ter he led a mil­i­tant Is­lamic group in the 1990s, and re­fuses to deal with him. With a red flame of a beard, Ko­ran close to hand and scores of ma­chine guns and anti-air­craft guns at his com­mand, Aweys typ­i­fies the fire­brand cleric. He fought and was dec­o­rated in the 1977 Ogaden war against Ethiopia, and is re­garded as the mil­i­tary ge­nius be­hind the Is­lamic Courts’ re­cent suc­cesses. At 61 years old, he does not fight di­rectly, but re­port­edly or­ga­nizes train­ing and strat­egy. He heads the courts’ shura con­sul­ta­tive coun­cil, and is re­garded as the spir­i­tual leader of the or­ga­ni­za­tion. Pri­vately soft-spo­ken and calm, he is a Mus­lim scholar and lives in a mid­dle class sub­urb of Mo­gadishu. He’s strong on build­ing com­mu­nity, but his pub­lic rhetoric has also been con­fronta­tional and ex­pan­sion­ist, call­ing for war against Ethiopian forces in So­ma­lia and for a ‘greater So­ma­lia’ in­cor­po­rat­ing eth­nic So­mali re­gions of Ethiopia and Kenya.

Mean­while on the ground, a cru­cial dead­line has come and gone for for­eign troops to leave the one re­main­ing hold­out of Baidoa. In re­sponse Ethiopia has launched an in­va­sion of So­ma­lia with un­cer­tain ob­jec­tives. There is an im­mi­nent risk of wider re­gional war; there is cur­rently covert in­volve­ment by a num­ber of other neigh­bor­ing coun­tries and overt in­volve­ment by the African Union (AU), the UN and the US.

TO BE CON­TIN­UED…….NEXT WEEK